Warning to Ahmadinejad

General criticism over what are claimed to be president Ahmadinejad’s appointments of his family members to government posts is mounting. This criticism also includes the appointment of individuals to second government position where conflict of interest situations become an issue. But with the words of Zaribafan, a member of the Abadgaran group who is also a cabinet secretary in Ahmadinejad’s government, the issue has moved into the hardliners camp itself. Mohammad Nabi Habibi, the secretary general of the Motalefeh Party (Islamic Coalition Party) and Kerman MP Movahedi Kermani who hold the powerful position of being the Leader’s representative in the Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps, joined the criticism over recent appointments.

resident Ahmadinejad has undoubtedly installed many of his family members into high government positions. After the Majlis approval of his cabinet choices, some ministers too began appointing their family members and close friends to high government posts. In his letter to cleric Moslehi who is the Leader’s representative in the Baseej civil defense organization (Niruye Moghavemate Baseej), Kermani requested that Moslehi devote his full time to the Baseej. Translation: do not hold any other positions. A copy of the letter was delivered to the news agency by Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps which writes “In reference to the Commander in Chief ayatollah Khamenei’s specific instructions banning second jobs in the armed forces and the relevant laws in this regard, your appointment to the post of advisor to the president for clerical affairs will in practice disrupt both responsibilities. Since you have chosen to continue your responsibilities at the Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps, you should devote your full time and energy to this endeavor and represent the Leader at the Baseej.�?

P This letter is unique as it is the very first time since Ahmadinejad’s presidency that an official has taken a public position on dual jobs in the government.

first few years in the life of the new republic after the victory of the 1979 revolution. The best example of this is when some of ayatollah Khomeini’s close associates called on him to appoint his son Ahmad as Prime Minister, he strongly condemned this on grounds of nepotism. But since 1999, this tradition has returned. Hashemi Rafsanjani too during his presidency gave key government posts to some of his close associates and relatives. Mohammad Hashemi, the president’s brother at the National Iranian Radio and Television and Ali Hashemi, another brother, at the oil ministry are examples of this deviation from a revolutionary principle. Even his daughter, Faezeh was given a high profile government position. With that, many again began to openly complain and criticize the president. This became an Achilles’ heel for Rafsanjani in the latter part of his ۲nd term. Even president Mohammad Khatami appointed some of his close associates to key government positions. Ali Khatami, his brother, was appointed to the special Presidential Inspector’s Office, who in his second presidency became his Chief of Staff. It has been a normal practice in Iran to use such nepotism to criticize ruling circles as being elitist and not revolutionary. Ahmadinejad strives to be recognized as a another Rajai - a school-teacher who became the first prime minister of Iran (after the provisional government of Mehd

Event though such appointments are not new in Iran, they used to be seen negatively as symbols of “hereditary�? posts (such as the monarchy vs. the republic) the
i Bazargan). This is an effort to be seen by the public as the down-to-earth president and thus from amongst them. During his presidential campaign, he had repeatedly stated that he would “end the domination of family relatives over the wealth and oil industry? in the country. On the eve of the runoff vote, he told some 150 Majlis (Parliament) deputies “I shall separate rents and family control over the country’s wealth and the mafia and tribal power from oil, and would even give my life for this.�? To be recalled is that Ahmadinejad made justice and the end of discrimination to be his key slogans and goals during the elections and had said “When the pyramids of power get established, no room is left for freedom. Then, they control the media and narrow life so much that people’s voice is not heard and the country suffers as a result.?

r technocrats. “I am certain there are many such people in Iran,? he would affirm. But even the words ended when he set foot in the presidential palace. When just a month ago the news spread that the president’s brother Dawood Ahmadinejad was appointed to head the Presidential Special Inspectors Office, opinion spread that Ahmadinejad had played a successful game at presenting himself to look like Rajai. Soon many of Ahmadinejad’s former allies and buddies were appointed to the newly opened up position: positions that normally would require years of hard work and experience to attain. This state of affair was highlighted when the president announced the names of his entourage to attend the UN General Assembly meeting. Criticism followed and even the ultra-conservative and hardline newspaper Kayhan politely criticized the team. Some of the names on the list belonged to Ahmadinejad’s friends from the days when he was the Mayor of Tehran and had absolutely nothing to do with the UN, forei

He also stressed “With holding hands between people, we must destroy the thick wall that now divides people from the government and also the this privileged class that has deformed all relations and values. We have come to serve the ordinary people, which is what the country now needs. With the support of people, we can run the country better. Apparently some think I have entered a no-entry zone by joining the presidential race.? “When injustice spreads in the country and there are over two million unemployed how can one talk of culture,? Ahmadinejad continued in a reference to what was former president Khatami’s principal field of focus. Another promise that Ahmadinejad made during his campaigning was that if elected, he would replace the current managers of government-run companies with “clean, brave, professional, efficient and popul
agn policy, or the mission of the delegation. By this time, so displeased were other officials and prominent politicians that Ahmadinejad gave a position to one of these individuals: Zaribafan was appointed to become the secretary of the cabinet. Last month the list of managers for government run companies was announced. As the list of the president’s friends grew longer, so did the list of those who criticized him for nepotism. Abbas Salimi Namin, a former high ranking official was one of the voices of criticism on this from day one. This time he did not write Ahmadinejad and instead chose Ahmad Janati, the secretary of the powerful Guardians Council. In the letter he criticized the double appointments and the conflict of interest that this created. He also criticized Janati for allowing his own son, Ali to be appointed as a deputy minister at the Interior Ministry. In his letter he also mentions Golam Hossein Elham who has appointed to be the president’s Chief of Staff, while holding his position as a jurisprudent in the powerful Guardians Council.

ntry warned that “today the government and the Majlis need the ideologues even more than before the elections.? He then criticized the calls for proportionate seating in Tehran’s Municipality, which he said would lead to problems if implemented. Political observers predict that if president Ahmadinejad does not take corrective measures against the current accusations of nepotism, he would face even stronger protests from amongst his own ranks. The publication of the letter written by the Leader’s representative in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps should be interpreted as a warning to the president, they say, as such business is normally handled outside public purview.

Another person who has voiced his objection to the current nepotism is Ahmad Tavakoli, the director of Majlis’s (Parliament) Research Center. He has called such two responsibilities by the same person to be illegal. Soon after his criticism, Sobh Sadegh, the magazine of the Leader in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps wrote “Despite the president’s promises and criticism, during his election campaigning, of the practice of appointing the same person to positions where conflict of interest arises, these days we hear of individuals who as members of the Municipality, also hold government posts, where even the Minister of Justice is the new spokesman for the Judiciary.? “The promised goals of smaller government have all but gone and the current practices herald an even larger government,? it wrote.

Zaribafan’s words not only took the issue to the hardliners camp but even changed it from mere criticism into open protests. Mohammad Nabi Habibi from the Motalefe group (Islamic Coalition Party) which is the oldest religious right-wing association in the country warned that “today the government and the Majlis need the ideologues even more than before the elections.? He then criticized the calls for proportionate seating in Tehran’s Municipality, which he said would lead to problems if implemented. Political observers predict that if president Ahmadinejad does not take corrective measures against the current accusations of nepotism, he would face even stronger protests from amongst his own ranks. The publication of the letter written by the Leader’s representative in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps should be interpreted as a warning to the president, they say, as such business is normally handled outside public purview.

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