Do Not Search, Access Denied

The news coming from Iran indicates that new controls and obstacles are on their way for the Iranian scientific and research communities in their access to the international scientific community websites. Reporters Without Borders issued a statement condemning the Iranian government in its efforts to increase its control of the Internet, including its efforts to set up a new online censorship system through Delta Global company. The report specifically says that these new measures are because of the “ideological hardening in the Iranian government and a desire by the new president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to centralize authority.? This report comes at a time when filtering is on the rise in Iran, even for websites that are run by the right wing groups. One such website is Baztab owned by Mohsen Rezai currently the secretary of the powerful State Expediency Council and a former Passdaran Revolutionary Guards commander, sent shock waves even among right wing circles in Iran, but also indicating the intense power struggle going on in the country. The first news website, Emrouz (meaning Today) was put up in the summer of 2001 by the reformers in Iran. It was launched at a time when Isfahan’s Friday Prayer, ayatollah Taheri resigned from h is position and there were no newspapers to report on his views. Conservatists soon saw the power of the Internet in this regard and launched their own site, Dariche (meaning an opening or gateway). In those days, the growth in the number of such sites and the way they operated, denied the government any controls over them. So they were free to operate and publish as they pleased. As newspapers got closed by the Judiciary in Iran, more and more news websites were launched with rapidly increasing readerage. As the government continued its crackdown on students, on newspapers and on dissidents, the role of these Internet sites became critical to the reformers and opposition groups inside Iran. So displeasing were the sites to the government that it approached foreign companies to help it block their access. For example a Chinese company was approached to do just this at the height of the student unrest in ۲۰۰۳. They succeeded in filtering scores of news websites. So after that, some ۲۱ webloggers and journalists were arrested by the Judiciary as well. But the result was even more aggressive work by the bloggers. But the imprisoned journalists soon became an international headache for the government as numerous international organizations supported the rights of these webloggers and condemned the Iranian regime for its suppressive policies. When Ahmadinejad came to power, this issue was high on his agenda. During the June 2005 presidential elections, two moderate candidates, Mostafa Moin and cleric Mehdi Karoubi used the Internet and weblogs to publicize their viewpoints, when they were denied equal access to the state radio and TV. Right wing groups in Iran were of course alarmed that their controls were not having the intended results and people still heard the voices of the opposition and dissidents. Once these hardliners and right wingers won the presidential race through Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, their efforts to further filter dissident websites intensified rapidly. An Internet analyst says that currently some ۷ million Iranians have access to the Internet, which is a very large number compared to just ۲ years ago. Since last year alone, ۵۱۴ towns, as opposed to ۱۲۱, have access to Internet data. In just a few years, it is estimated that ۵۰ percent of Iranians will be able to connect to the global cyber community. The problem of course is not just that news sites are filtered by the government. More recently websites specializing in women’s affairs too have been cut off. www.womeniniran.com, www.irwomen.com, www.womeniw.com are just a few examples. These websites disseminated social news and the denial of access to them has prompted them to write to international bodies protesting the move of the Iranian government. Parasto Dokuhi, a writer for one of these sites says “our site has been filtered out because we use the word women a lot. We are forced to create proxies, but they still catch up with us.? What is now even more alarming is that scientific websites are the target as well. This too has intensified with Ahmadinejad’s arrival. Lookspire.co, farstec.com, flickr.com are examples of such filtered out sites. One internet user said he tried a few keywords in Google and was rather surprised to see that he was denied access to many sites that he used to regularly visit. This concern even infuriated the official political community when Baztab website was shut down, with a message that it was filtered by the order of Iran’s Judiciary. Political analysts and observers point to this event more than any other to show that the power struggle is reaching new heights within the regime where even current officials are denied the means to express their opinions if their opinions differ from what the government wants to propagate. The words of Reza Rashidi the CEO of Fanavari company in Iran ring a bell when he says that if there are sites that have been unjustly filtered out, they should be reported to the company which will take every measure to restore its accessibility. In short, websites are not innocent, unless proven otherwise. 

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No News of Freedom of Imprisoned Students

Not only does it seems that the Iran’s hardline Judiciary officials have no plans to release imprisoned students arrested and jailed since July ۱۹۹۸, but are even applying new and greater pressure on student movements and groups. Ali Afshari's six year prison term is a token of this brutal attitude towards students. Afshari was arrested on charges of promoting civil disobedience. The fact that many students have recently been summoned to courts and have been accused of acting against national security or fermenting public discontent indicates that there is an atmosphere of insecurity and fear between the government and the country’s students.

In a meeting with the Minister of Science and Technology, the head of the ultra-conservative Judiciary promised - on the surface and in public – to provide Islamic compassion and forgiveness to students. But with no action coming, i.e. no release of imprisoned students, the hope that the families of these students had in their hearts have been rapidly fading into oblivion.

s are concluding that this was just a public relations stint to reduce international pressure on Iran. New students continue to be arrested and quietly tried without a jury. Hadi Esmaielzadeh, a University Law Professor says that according to Iran's Constitution all political crimes should be reviewed in public courts in the presence of a jury. Anything else is illegal and unacceptable, according to him. But where are the ears. But while the Iranian government refuses to re

When Iran was under severe international pressure over its nuclear program and to a lesser degree over its dismal human rights record, particularly the hunger strike of investigative journalist Akbar Ganji, the head of Iran’s Judiciary branch Hashemi Shahroudi ordered imprisoned students to be released. But with the passage of several weeks and no releases, political observe
rlease its political prisoners and end its aggressive and inhuman practices, it is also paying a high price in terms of its domestic and international reputation. International Human Rights organizations, during the past five years, have focused on Iran and have also been repeatedly requesting Iranian officials to release the imprisoned students, naming many by name. Domestically and even at international human rights rallies, their names and photos are regularly displayed. So while certain officials may seem to be in favor of releasing political and particularly student prisoners, there are those who oppose it and they seem to have the upper hand in this power struggle.

Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, a lawyer for many jailed students recently said in an interview that while Iran's National Security Council and the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution had both expressly approved the notion that imprisoned students should not face trials, courts continue to bring them before judges and sentence them after a short trial.

Perhaps a Tehrani student activist puts it succinctly when he says that a glance at president Ahmadinejad’s record in his policies towards students and political prisoners, throws floodlight on the meaning of the term “kindness? that the president has been using as a cornerstone of his policies.

Press or Satellite Broadcasts?

Hussein Saffar Harandi, the new hard-line radical Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance is once again attacking the pro-reform media in Iran. He believes that many legal parties are misusing the press as their party spokemedia and are hide behind civil institutions such as the press. The ultra-conservative Minister calls on these parties to establish their own transparent, organized and independent media. He added that his Ministry will assist these groups to get the required licenses. Harandi's made these comment to the members of the "Association of Moslem Journalists", and is a reminder that the reform-minded groups do not have a mouthpiece in Iran.In his first press briefing, Alireza Mokhtarpour, the deputy for press affairs at the Ministry also said that some of Iran's political parties did not have official newspapers and so the press inevitably bears the burden of all the groups and ideas on its shoulders. Since 2000, more than 120 publications have been banned in Iran with hundreds of journalists facing judicial proceedings. International organizations working on the freedom of press have identified Iran as being the largest prison for journalists in the Middle East.Mokhtarpour is not a known figure among journalists but he has a notorious record during Mostafa Mirsalim’s days as the Minister of Culture. He was the executive manager of "Special Book Bureau" in the ministry and is noted to have considerably increased book censorship in Iran. It was during his management that many writers were banned from writing.The new extremist Culture Minister has also announced his objection to having 20 publications with the same ideology. In reaction to such recent statements by government officials, some political parties have announced their intentions to use satellite radio and television stations, which are under such strict control as the press media are.Saffar Harandi is a hardliner who is said to know how to fight "cultural imperialism" and confront modern thoughts and liberalism, both of which are considered Western ideas. During his vote of confidence before the Majlis (Parliament) he told the deputies that he wanted to "revive the press". And knowing his confrontational record, reformists are not optimistic about the future of the press in Iran. “Revival�? in Harandi’s terminology most likely means regression and curtailment of the freedom of press, as his thoughts indicate.Many political analysts believe that instead of promising a brighter future for Iran's press, the new Culture Minister comments have been targeting the reform minded groups. They believe he is trying hard to talk the reformers out of using satellite radio and televisions for their broadcasts.Changes in the structure of publications such as Iran and Hamshahri are proof of the enormous transformations in the press in Iran. Iran's official news agency IRNA, and the student news agency ISNA both have new conservative editor-in-chiefs. With such appointments, the Iranian media is in control of extremist right-wing conservatives. Under the current atmosphere, the reformist press is taking a very cautious approach to its work and interests in order to avoid being shut down.

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SMS Revolution

Blocking SMS (Short Message Service) is a new communications instrument that is taken very seriously by the new Iranian government and those in the Ministry of Communications. In order to confront and control SMS messaging and the relevant communications technology, president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his hard-line government ministers have seriously decided to take the necessary measures to limit the use of a technology that at critical junctures can be used by the government's critics and opposition groups. Iranian authorities believe that they have successfully completed their efforts to block internet access and have cracked down on web bloggers, so now they are turning their attention to SMS messaging. Supporters of restricting SMS make jokes and comments to mock the new president and other senior government officials. Officials in Iran's Telecommunication sector, on the other hand, while making huge sums of money from SMS services warn that of the negative consequences of such restrictions on the public and say the impact of this on the economy of the country's telecommunication sector are still not known. In his televised election campaigns Ahmadinejad depicted SMS as a tool used to destroy his image. Records of internet filtering and serious crackdown on the press during the presidential election campaign proved that Ahmadinejad was right on his criticism about SMS message. So SMS was certainly an important election tool. SMS was used earlier too to persuade people to boycott the last parliamentary (Majlis) elections. In those days, no government official seriously talked about controlling this media. But SMS fever during the recent presidential election forced Ahmadinejad to file a complaint with the Judiciary. A close ally of Ahmadinejad had said that SMS telephone and satellite messages are aimed at destroying his image. In reaction to Ahmadinejad and his camp's allegations over the “misuse�? of SMS, Iran's Minister of Communications and Technology denied such accusations but acknowledged that his ministry can not control the flow of messages in this media. There are various ways to size the SMS users. By one account, the government has spent ۳۴ million Rials to activate the network for some 700,000 subscribers. It is estimated that at the end of the current Iranian year, this amount will reach 170 million Rials with 8, 500,000subscribers. Legal experts believe by controlling SMS, officials are really entering people's private spheres. Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, a lawyer in Tehran believes SMS messaging is a private conversation between two people and no judicial authority is allowed to control it. He believes that it is in fact illegal and unconstitutional.

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Warning to Ahmadinejad

General criticism over what are claimed to be president Ahmadinejad’s appointments of his family members to government posts is mounting. This criticism also includes the appointment of individuals to second government position where conflict of interest situations become an issue. But with the words of Zaribafan, a member of the Abadgaran group who is also a cabinet secretary in Ahmadinejad’s government, the issue has moved into the hardliners camp itself. Mohammad Nabi Habibi, the secretary general of the Motalefeh Party (Islamic Coalition Party) and Kerman MP Movahedi Kermani who hold the powerful position of being the Leader’s representative in the Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps, joined the criticism over recent appointments.

resident Ahmadinejad has undoubtedly installed many of his family members into high government positions. After the Majlis approval of his cabinet choices, some ministers too began appointing their family members and close friends to high government posts. In his letter to cleric Moslehi who is the Leader’s representative in the Baseej civil defense organization (Niruye Moghavemate Baseej), Kermani requested that Moslehi devote his full time to the Baseej. Translation: do not hold any other positions. A copy of the letter was delivered to the news agency by Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps which writes “In reference to the Commander in Chief ayatollah Khamenei’s specific instructions banning second jobs in the armed forces and the relevant laws in this regard, your appointment to the post of advisor to the president for clerical affairs will in practice disrupt both responsibilities. Since you have chosen to continue your responsibilities at the Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps, you should devote your full time and energy to this endeavor and represent the Leader at the Baseej.�?

P This letter is unique as it is the very first time since Ahmadinejad’s presidency that an official has taken a public position on dual jobs in the government.

first few years in the life of the new republic after the victory of the 1979 revolution. The best example of this is when some of ayatollah Khomeini’s close associates called on him to appoint his son Ahmad as Prime Minister, he strongly condemned this on grounds of nepotism. But since 1999, this tradition has returned. Hashemi Rafsanjani too during his presidency gave key government posts to some of his close associates and relatives. Mohammad Hashemi, the president’s brother at the National Iranian Radio and Television and Ali Hashemi, another brother, at the oil ministry are examples of this deviation from a revolutionary principle. Even his daughter, Faezeh was given a high profile government position. With that, many again began to openly complain and criticize the president. This became an Achilles’ heel for Rafsanjani in the latter part of his ۲nd term. Even president Mohammad Khatami appointed some of his close associates to key government positions. Ali Khatami, his brother, was appointed to the special Presidential Inspector’s Office, who in his second presidency became his Chief of Staff. It has been a normal practice in Iran to use such nepotism to criticize ruling circles as being elitist and not revolutionary. Ahmadinejad strives to be recognized as a another Rajai - a school-teacher who became the first prime minister of Iran (after the provisional government of Mehd

Event though such appointments are not new in Iran, they used to be seen negatively as symbols of “hereditary�? posts (such as the monarchy vs. the republic) the
i Bazargan). This is an effort to be seen by the public as the down-to-earth president and thus from amongst them. During his presidential campaign, he had repeatedly stated that he would “end the domination of family relatives over the wealth and oil industry? in the country. On the eve of the runoff vote, he told some 150 Majlis (Parliament) deputies “I shall separate rents and family control over the country’s wealth and the mafia and tribal power from oil, and would even give my life for this.�? To be recalled is that Ahmadinejad made justice and the end of discrimination to be his key slogans and goals during the elections and had said “When the pyramids of power get established, no room is left for freedom. Then, they control the media and narrow life so much that people’s voice is not heard and the country suffers as a result.?

r technocrats. “I am certain there are many such people in Iran,? he would affirm. But even the words ended when he set foot in the presidential palace. When just a month ago the news spread that the president’s brother Dawood Ahmadinejad was appointed to head the Presidential Special Inspectors Office, opinion spread that Ahmadinejad had played a successful game at presenting himself to look like Rajai. Soon many of Ahmadinejad’s former allies and buddies were appointed to the newly opened up position: positions that normally would require years of hard work and experience to attain. This state of affair was highlighted when the president announced the names of his entourage to attend the UN General Assembly meeting. Criticism followed and even the ultra-conservative and hardline newspaper Kayhan politely criticized the team. Some of the names on the list belonged to Ahmadinejad’s friends from the days when he was the Mayor of Tehran and had absolutely nothing to do with the UN, forei

He also stressed “With holding hands between people, we must destroy the thick wall that now divides people from the government and also the this privileged class that has deformed all relations and values. We have come to serve the ordinary people, which is what the country now needs. With the support of people, we can run the country better. Apparently some think I have entered a no-entry zone by joining the presidential race.? “When injustice spreads in the country and there are over two million unemployed how can one talk of culture,? Ahmadinejad continued in a reference to what was former president Khatami’s principal field of focus. Another promise that Ahmadinejad made during his campaigning was that if elected, he would replace the current managers of government-run companies with “clean, brave, professional, efficient and popul
agn policy, or the mission of the delegation. By this time, so displeased were other officials and prominent politicians that Ahmadinejad gave a position to one of these individuals: Zaribafan was appointed to become the secretary of the cabinet. Last month the list of managers for government run companies was announced. As the list of the president’s friends grew longer, so did the list of those who criticized him for nepotism. Abbas Salimi Namin, a former high ranking official was one of the voices of criticism on this from day one. This time he did not write Ahmadinejad and instead chose Ahmad Janati, the secretary of the powerful Guardians Council. In the letter he criticized the double appointments and the conflict of interest that this created. He also criticized Janati for allowing his own son, Ali to be appointed as a deputy minister at the Interior Ministry. In his letter he also mentions Golam Hossein Elham who has appointed to be the president’s Chief of Staff, while holding his position as a jurisprudent in the powerful Guardians Council.

ntry warned that “today the government and the Majlis need the ideologues even more than before the elections.? He then criticized the calls for proportionate seating in Tehran’s Municipality, which he said would lead to problems if implemented. Political observers predict that if president Ahmadinejad does not take corrective measures against the current accusations of nepotism, he would face even stronger protests from amongst his own ranks. The publication of the letter written by the Leader’s representative in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps should be interpreted as a warning to the president, they say, as such business is normally handled outside public purview.

Another person who has voiced his objection to the current nepotism is Ahmad Tavakoli, the director of Majlis’s (Parliament) Research Center. He has called such two responsibilities by the same person to be illegal. Soon after his criticism, Sobh Sadegh, the magazine of the Leader in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps wrote “Despite the president’s promises and criticism, during his election campaigning, of the practice of appointing the same person to positions where conflict of interest arises, these days we hear of individuals who as members of the Municipality, also hold government posts, where even the Minister of Justice is the new spokesman for the Judiciary.? “The promised goals of smaller government have all but gone and the current practices herald an even larger government,? it wrote.

Zaribafan’s words not only took the issue to the hardliners camp but even changed it from mere criticism into open protests. Mohammad Nabi Habibi from the Motalefe group (Islamic Coalition Party) which is the oldest religious right-wing association in the country warned that “today the government and the Majlis need the ideologues even more than before the elections.? He then criticized the calls for proportionate seating in Tehran’s Municipality, which he said would lead to problems if implemented. Political observers predict that if president Ahmadinejad does not take corrective measures against the current accusations of nepotism, he would face even stronger protests from amongst his own ranks. The publication of the letter written by the Leader’s representative in Passdaran Revolutionary Guards Corps should be interpreted as a warning to the president, they say, as such business is normally handled outside public purview.

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Gasoline, the Silent Bomb

The Iranian government has offered a new bill to the parliament (Majlis) to increase the price of gasoline in an effort to increase its income for possible economic sanctions that may be coming if Iran’s nuclear case goes to the U.N. Security Council. At the same time, the Ministry of Intelligence has once again sent a 10-year old report to the country's National Security Council. The report that was prepared during Hashemi Rafsanjani's presidency, reviews possibilities of civil uprising in case of an increase in gasoline price. Ten years ago, following Islamshahr civil unrests, Rafsanjani's government decided not to remove the fuel subsidies that caused the riots. Reports from Tehran indicate that two meetings between high ranking intelligence authorities and those from the National Security Council have reviewed the crisis. It is also reported that Majlis MPs have been advised not to veto the gas price hike bill. Such measures bring to light what a political sociologist, who has requested to remain anonymous, has anticipated. According to him, if and when imposed economic sanctions hit Iran, gasoline imports could halt and the result would definitely be civil unrest. The first part of this bill was ratified with 171 affirmative votes from the MPs that support the new ultra-conservative government. The bill allows the government to use $1.5 million of its foreign reserve funds to compensate its budget deficit to import gasoline. The second part of the bill is a crucial one that allows the government to impose two gasoline rates to cut its import and balance the gasoline consumption in the country. Ahmadinejad's election promises to eradicate poverty in the country and improve Iranians living standards can not be fulfilled when the government announces gasoline price hikes. While Iran is one of the world's largest oil exporters, its daily consumption of more than 60 million liters of gasoline has turned Iran into one of the largest gasoline importers in the world. Iranian refineries produce an average of 38.5 million liters of gasoline per day. The country also imports about 26 million liters of gasoline per day, which are expected to rise to 30 million. But despite the considerable increase in gasoline consumption, the country has not increased its domestic production of gasoline. A senior expert in Iran's planning organization says that before Iran's 1979 revolution, the country not only was needless of gasoline imports but even exported more than 600,000 liters per day to its neighbors. Amir Mohebian, a conservative analyst criticizes the Ministry of Oil's officials and their approach towards gasoline crisis and believes that gasoline is Iran's weak point that United States is using to put more pressure on Iran and the impact of the sanctions over the country's possible social unrest. Under tremendous international pressure of possible economic sanctions, Iran has once again forced Ahmadinejad's economists to confront the crisis. During Khatami's presidency, conservative Abadgaran supporters tried to establish a fixed rate for gasoline in a measure to attract public's interest. An Ahmadinejad economic expert told Rooz that a strategic product is turning into a social bomb. This is bomb that is trying to prevent Iran's nuclear activities.

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Offensive Against Human Rights Groups

Along with the publication of the report on the violations of human rights in Iran during the last quarter by Tehran-based Kanoon Modafean Hogooge Bashar (Center for the Defense of Human Rights), the visitation rights of political prisoner Abdolfatah Soltani’s family with him were cancelled and another prominent lawyer and member of the Center, Ali Dadkhah, was subpoenad to a court in Tehran, herald new efforts to silence this legal organization. After appearing before the ۷th branch of Tehran Prosecutor’s office, Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, one of the active members of the Center told reporters that judiciary officials had asked him to provide them with names of two individuals who had held a sit-in in front of Even prison and who were calling for the release of political prisoners. During the recent years many human rights activists and advocates, including defense attorneys who stood up to defend imprisoned political activists, journalists, and students have themselves been the subject of attacks, arrests and threats by certain official organizations. Some of them such as Nasser Zarafshan, the attorney for the families of the victims of the Intelligence Ministry’s serial killers continues to be detained in prison. This time, however, it appears that the defenders of human rights are being targeted directly. The Center for the Defense of Human Rights was established about four years ago. Nobel Peace Prize winner Shirin Ebadi, as a cofounder of the Center says at the time “our goal is to work within the law and we are not an underground group or party and do not consider ourselves above the law.�? With that as their frame of mind, they made a formal request from the Ministry of the Interior, as the law requires for an operating license. Till today, they have not received one. “Even though the provisions of the constitution do not require professional organizations to have a license if they simply wish to operate without utilizing government services, we made a formal request for one even though we did not wish to use government’s services,�? she clarifies. “Our request and activities were even discussed in the Majlis (Parliament) Committee for Article ۱۰ of the constitution.�? Even though the Center’s request was made at a time when former president Khatami was the head of the executive branch of government, and his policy had been to strengthen NGOs, an operating license was not issued to it, and so its fate was like that of other human rights and professional organizations such as the Kanoone Nevisandegan (Iranian Writer’s Association). Not issuing a license to the Center which in the words of political observers was an indication of the negative view officials held on the group, had another meaning to the Center members. They knew very well that their activities that included taking positions against the violations of human rights, the provision of free defense for the victims of human right violations and political activists, and assistance to the families of ideological and political prisoners would bring more resistance from the government which would have to paid for. But despite this, none of them ever suspected that one day they would be accused of espionage, which is precisely what attorney Abdul Fattah Soltani who was defending imprisoned journalist Akbar Ganji was initially accused of soon after his arrest earlier this year. Subsequent events in the country and the world did not improve the situation. Soon other members of the Center too faced similar accusations, and furthermore, pressures from official agencies increased as well. Two years ago when the Norwegian Nobel Institute in Oslo awarded its annual Peace award to Shirin Ebadi, who was not only a founding and active member of the Center but had also been a prisoner herself because of her defense of Amir Farshad Ebrahimi, a vigilante who had initially participated in the student suppressions but later changed faith and exposed the group and its inner workings, even Mohammad Khatami could hide his displeasure. The wide support and welcome that Ebadi received from the public and even Majlis (Parliament) deputies and official reformers, brought this fear to those opposing reformers that soon there would be a new union between reformers and the advocates of human rights which would only complicate their goals. Human rights constitute one of the three problems that the Islamic Republic has with the outside world, the others being its nuclear policy and support for terrorist groups. While Ebadi and other members of the Center such as Mohammad Sharif, Mohammad Seyfzadeh, and Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, had been under pressure right from the day Ebadi was awarded the Nobel peace prize, the Center became the object of serious intimidations after its lawyers began taking up the defense of prominent arrest and imprisonment cases such as the murder of Iranian-Canadian photo-journalist Zahra Kazemi and other Iranian journalists. A few months ago, in the course of the retrial of Zahra Kazemi’s case, Soltani asked “Why have the witnesses withdrawn their earlier testimony regarding the murder of Zahra Kazemi?�? He then insisted that while Kazemi’s murder had taken place “in a security building under the watch of closed-circuit cameras, the sentence says that the murderers could not be found.�? He even further and said that the letter of the Ministry of Intelligence says that “officials of the Intelligence Ministry have offered to recreate the crime scene to prove their innocence, if they receive sufficient protection for their lives. What power is out there involved in this case that requires officials of the Ministry to request protection for their lives?�? “How can someone inflict a fatal punch on to someone in the presence of ۲۰ other people without being identified?�? Soon after these words, Soltani was arrested and all the efforts of his colleagues to free him have not freed this lawyer. Just two months after the new hardliners came to presidential power, they began to prevent the work of the Center. A news item that appeared in Kayhan newspaper was the start of their operations. They made new accusations against Ebadi and Soltani regarding Ganji’s case and thus tried to exert pressure on the Center. Observers interpret the current call of the judiciary for Dadkhah to appear before the Tehran prosecutor and the continuation of the detention of Soltani are recent measures to increase the pressure on the Center and its activities. They explain that the hardliners who now control all the three branches of government in Iran but are also under intense international pressure on three key issues that includes human rights, they wish to crush this group to end the pressure that they feel is coming because of the Center. Political observers believe that because the new conservatists view everything from a security perspective, they will do everything to shut down all the NGOs and especially those advocating human rights, just as they did with the Iranian Writers’ Association.